PRESIDENT
BIDEN’S
FIRST
100 DAYS

Since Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office in 1933, it has been widely understood that the first one hundred days of a presidency serve as some of the most crucial months of a president’s term in office. The period between March 4 and  June 11, 1933 laid the groundwork for the United States’ response to the Great Depression, with a series of historic initiatives in size and scale launched to stabilize the ailing economy. Transformative programs such as the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) and Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) came into being in this period, laying the groundwork for the rest of the New Deal. 

Faced with a historic public health crisis in the form of the coronavirus pandemic and its economic consequences, the parallels between Joe Biden’s 2021 and Roosevelt’s 1933 have not been lost to observers. Indeed, Biden himself has acknowledged this likeness, stating in 2020 that the coronavirus pandemic had the potential to “eclipse what FDR faced” and added he believed he was “kind of in a position that FDR was”. 

This report critically assesses the first one hundred days of the Biden Administration from a progressive standpoint, including how Biden has delivered on campaign promises, responded to political realities, and answered progressive calls for action on   the present crises facing America.

This report is divided into three sections:

• Securing A Just Recovery assesses the Biden Administration’s approach to charting a course for a post-pandemic economy, including the Administration’s approach to the coronavirus pandemic, social welfare, and alleviating wealth inequality.

• Pursuing Social Justice assesses the administration’s record on working to dismantle embedded social inequalities, including ending police violence, protecting voting rights, and pursuing justice for migrants. 

• Forging Global Cooperation assesses the administration’s progress in rebuilding systems of global cooperation in the aftermath of the Donald Trump presidency, including President Biden’s approach to the global climate crisis and reassessing America’s commitments abroad.

JUMP TO:

Securing a Just Recovery • Pursuing Social Justice • Forging Global Cooperation • General Assessment of President Biden’s First 100 Days

The economic catastrophe brought on by the coronavirus pandemic has devastated working families. Since the onset of the crisis in early 2020, it has been clear that only comprehensive federal intervention can alleviate the financial stress the pandemic has placed upon working Americans. Passed in March 2020, the CARES Act delivered $1,200 direct checks to Americans on top of allocating an extra $600 per week in unemployment insurance (UI). Millions of Americans were once again devastated following the expiration of the extended UI initiative in July 2020, making further federal intervention a necessity.

What we want: 

The federal government must reinvigorate the American social safety net to protect working families. The coronavirus pandemic is not the last crisis of its magnitude the United States will face, and the success of the CARES Act in temporarily alleviating poverty provides a roadmap for future action.

Throughout the pandemic, progressives have pushed a variety of initiatives aimed at relieving the financial burden placed upon working Americans. In 2020, Senators Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders, and Ed Markey pushed for $2,000 direct monthly payments for individuals making less than $120,000 a month. Polling by Data for Progress in January 2021 found that a proposal for monthly recurring checks of $2,000 proved popular across party lines, with a majority of Democrats, Republicans, and Independents indicating their support for such a measure. 

In addition to proposals for recurring monthly payments, progressives have pushed to expand unemployment insurance to protect Americans long after the pandemic. It is imperative that the federal government extends unemployment insurance benefits to workers who currently lack access to these programs, such as workers in the so-called “gig economy.” Polling from Data for Progress found that a measure to permanently expand unemployment insurance to “gig workers” wields support across party lines, with a majority of Democrats and Independents as well as a plurality of Republicans in support.

In a country with almost 45 million student loan borrowers, it’s unsurprising that temporary student debt relief measures put in place during the coronavirus pandemic have been a lifeline to struggling workers. Through the CARES Act, student loan payments were paused and interest rates were temporarily capped at 0%, a measure that has been extended at several points since. With these measures set to expire on October 1, 2021, it is more important than ever for the federal government to cancel student debt, which would lift an unfair economic burden from millions of Americans. Choosing not to relieve $50,000 in student loan debt, especially in a time when borrowers are anxious about having to resume payments in the fall, threatens the prospect of post-pandemic economic growth as well as the electoral fortunes of Biden’s party.

Canceling student debt is not only one of the most effective relief measures the federal government can take, it’s one that the White House can do on its own. In a nation where the average student debt comes out to over $30,000, the Biden Administration’s push for Congress to relieve $10,000 in student loan debt is woefully inadequate as a relief measure. The White House should listen to the advice of Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and other leaders, who have urged the federal government to enact $50,000 in relief for student loan borrowers. 

Polling by Data for Progress in January 2021 found that not only do proposals to cancel either $10,000 to $50,000 in student loan debt garner support from a majority of voters, the latter is even more popular among the electorate. By a solid 17-point margin, voters surveyed across party lines indicated their support for canceling $50,000 in student debt, even wider than the 14-point margin in favor of canceling $10,000. 

Where Biden has stood:

Throughout his long political career, Joe Biden has largely adhered to Democratic Party orthodoxy in the area of public welfare. This means that at times he has supported conservative measures such as the 1996 welfare reform effort pushed by Democrats like Bill Clinton, and in other instances has pushed for broadening the safety net. To alleviate the economic pain spurred by the Great Recession, Biden stated in 2010 that the federal government should “extend unemployment insurance for Americans who have lost their jobs in a tough economy. Without unemployment benefits, families can't spend on basic necessities that are grown, made, and sold by other Americans.”

During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden laid out his vision for an economic relief package to follow the CARES Act. Calling the $1,200 stimulus checks created by the CARES Act “a good start,” then-candidate Biden stated he would pursue a second round of direct aid in addition to another expansion of unemployment benefits. As President-elect, Biden argued that the $600 direct payment program signed into law by Trump in December 2020 was inadequate, instead calling for $2000. 

How Biden has governed:

On March 11, 2021, less than two months into office, Biden signed the historic American Rescue Plan Act (ARP) into law. The American Rescue Plan created a $1,400 direct stimulus program for qualifying families, which notably included adult dependents and people with disabilities unlike the program implemented by Trump. 

The $1.9 trillion legislation also extended unemployment benefits, true to Biden’s promise to increase support for Americans forced out of work during the pandemic. Through the American Rescue Plan Act, Americans will be eligible for unemployment insurance until September 6, 2021. It should be noted, unfortunately, that moderates in the Senate Democratic Caucus reduced the weekly extended unemployment insurance proposal from $400 to $300 a week.  

Polling by Data for Progress found wide support for the American Rescue Plan across party lines, with even a majority of Republican respondents indicating their support for the program. 

When asked about specific provisions of the American Rescue Plan Act, we found similar levels of widespread approval. By a whopping 62-point margin, voters indicated their support for the $1,400 stimulus check program created by the legislation. A similar level of support was found when voters were polled on the unemployment insurance provisions of the legislation, which was favored by a 50 point margin. 

Through the American Rescue Plan Act, the federal government has created a historic child tax credit program, allocating $3,000 per child up to the age of 17 and $3,600 per child under the age of 6. Polling by Data for Progress found that the measure, expected to result in a historic drop in the child poverty rate, is widely popular. As Democratic leaders push for a permanent extension for the program, it is important to remember that the measure isn’t just good policy: it’s good politics as well. 

Additionally, the Biden Administration has taken meaningful steps towards combating the scourge of food insecurity. Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, or “food stamp”) benefits were increased by 15 percent through the month of September 2021 by the American Rescue Plan: before Democrats in Congress got the ARP over the finish line and into the law books, the expansion of benefits was set to expire in June 2021. Polling by Data for Progress in 2020 found that a wide majority of voters favored increasing SNAP benefits in response to the coronavirus pandemic.

The coronavirus pandemic has laid bare many of the structural challenges associated with the U.S. healthcare system, which remains plagued by inaccessibility and inequality of services. Almost 570,000 American lives have been lost to the coronavirus, a historic tragedy fueled by the Trump Administration’s mismanagement of the pandemic response. In addition to the unfathomable loss of life, many coronavirus survivors have been burdened with exorbitant medical bills because of a healthcare system that puts profit over people. 

What we want: 

From the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, progressives have correctly tied the Trump Administration’s fumbling of America’s pandemic response to the broader issues that plague the U.S. healthcare system. By refusing to invoke the Defense Production Act (DPA) to produce high-quality masks for all, Trump sabotaged the early pandemic response and possibly hurt his own reelection bid: Polling by Data for Progress last year found wide support for invoking the Defense Production Act to produce masks en-masse.

Furthermore, progressives understood from the beginning of the crisis that only comprehensive measures such as an extended paid national lockdown could conceivably mitigate the coronavirus pandemic. Trump and his administration ignored calls for emergency universal healthcare, causing financial devastation for many coronavirus survivors who sought treatment. Polling by Data for Progress in April 2020 found wide support for a proposal for emergency universal healthcare coverage during the pandemic -- and Trump’s refusal to support such a measure may have harmed his reelection bid.

The United States must learn from the failures of the past year in order to better prepare for future crises. For starters, it is crucial to reinvigorate public health agencies that were sabotaged by the Trump Administration’s mismanagement. The United States must establish a system of true universal healthcare, accompanied by permanent paid sick leave, an end to surprise medical billing, and challenging the power of Big Pharma through the legalization of prescription drug imports. To combat the opioid crisis, the federal government must take a progressive approach to treatment involving state funding for medically assisted treatment (MAT) of Opioid-Use Disorder (OUD).

In April 2021, Data for Progress released a landmark memo containing proposals to establish a public infrastructure for healthcare. These proposed initiatives aim to remove financial barriers to healthcare at the individual level, which would be partially accomplished through mobilizing state resources to expand provider capacity. If combined with a public option for health insurance enrollment, establishing a public infrastructure for care would be an important first step on the road to universal healthcare in the United States. After all, healthcare infrastructure is just as much of an area worthy of state investment as energy and transportation infrastructure.

Where Biden has stood:

Biden has long taken a more moderate approach to healthcare policy than many members of the party’s progressive wing. During the 2008 presidential campaign, Biden rejected calls for universal healthcare pushed by some Democratic candidates. Instead, Biden pushed for healthcare expansion through a combination of strategies, including measures to have the government pay for medical bills over $55,000, expanding the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) to cover every child in the United States, and allowing Americans over age 55 to buy into the Medicare system.

During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden pitched a plan to build upon the Affordable Care Act (ACA) through a public option that would serve as an alternative to private insurance. Polling by Data for Progress in October 2020 found that a proposal to allow employers to buy into a public option garners support across party lines, with respondents indicating their support by a wide 35 point margin.

Further polling by Data for Progress found that a majority of voters would choose to sign onto a government-run healthcare plan if the opportunity was provided to them. 68 percent of both Republicans and Democrats surveyed indicated they would choose to enroll in a public healthcare plan, be it the proposed public option or already-existing programs such as Medicare or Medicaid.

Despite his opposition to Medicare for All, a key goal of the Democratic Party’s left-wing, the rise of the progressive movement clearly influenced Biden’s 2020 healthcare platform. During the campaign, Biden’s healthcare program included support for ending surprise billing, a deeply unethical practice that continues to deter patients from seeking necessary treatment. Biden has also endorsed measures to combat corporate concentration in the healthcare industry, a much-needed initiative in a sector marked by monopoly power.

To illustrate the extent to which surprise billing harms the welfare of Americans, polling conducted by Data for Progress and the Lab, a policy vertical of The Appeal, found that 51 percent of respondents have either delayed or foregone necessary medical care out of fear of potential costs. 

The ongoing coronavirus pandemic is not going to be the last public health crisis that takes the world by storm. As such, it is crucial that the United States learns from the failures of the past year in order to prepare for a future crisis. For starters, public health agencies that the Trump Administration sabotaged through mismanagement must be reinvigorated. The United States must establish a system of true universal healthcare, which should be accompanied by permanent paid sick leave protections, an end to surprise medical billing, and legalizing the importation of prescription drugs to drive down healthcare costs.prescription drugs.

While Americans may be divided on many issues, the cause of lowering exorbitant drug prices is not one of them: 82 percent of Democrats, 74 percent of Republicans, and 67 percent of Independents polled indicated their support for the measure.

As a candidate in an election cycle that was defined by the coronavirus pandemic, it’s of little surprise that then-candidate Biden came out with an expansive public health program from the jump. Biden’s original plan to combat the coronavirus pandemic included a wide array of proposed virus control measures, including the invocation of the Defense Production Act to combat the protective equipment shortage.

How Biden has governed:

In office, Biden has taken steps to salvage the public health response to the coronavirus pandemic which Trump sabotaged. On his first day in office, Biden implemented a federal mask mandate, requiring the use of protective facial coverings on federal property. On his second day in office, Biden invoked the Defense Production Act in order to speed up the manufacturing of vaccine supplies, staying true to his call on Trump to invoke the legislation to speed up PPE manufacturing in the early days of the pandemic. 

Initially, Biden announced that his administration would aim to facilitate 100 million vaccinations during his first 100 days in office. Polling by Data for Progress found wide support for this ambitious goal, with 89 percent of Democrats, 70 percent of Independents or supporters of a third party, and 61 percent of Republicans indicating their approval of the Biden Administration’s vaccination goal.

On March 11, Biden issued an order to allow for every American to be eligible for vaccination by no later than May 1. Research published at Data for Progress has found encouraging signs in trends related to Americans’ willingness to receive the vaccine, suggesting that Biden’s leadership has boosted trust in vaccines. On April 21, the White House achieved its goal of administering 200 million vaccinations in Biden’s first 100 days -- a remarkable accomplishment given the bumpy start to the vaccination process under Trump. 

In the realm of healthcare policy, Biden has notably rescinded a Trump-era measure allowing for states to implement work requirements for Medicaid eligibility, a cruel and punitive measure detrimental to the cause of providing healthcare to all Americans. Indeed, in a global public health emergency that has resulted in historic job losses, mandating employment to receive healthcare benefits is unfathomably cruel and bad public policy. Polling by Data for Progress in 2020 found that plurality support among voters across party lines for a proposed measure to automatically enroll unemployment benefit applicants in Medicaid.

In the short term, expanding Medicaid eligibility is one of the most meaningful avenues the government can take on the road to universal health coverage. Given the current composition of the Senate, the White House should push through Medicaid expansion at the federal level through reconciliation. Polling by Data for Progress among voters in Republican and swing states found that a proposal to expand Medicaid eligibility to Americans at or below 138% of the federal poverty line wields wide support. In Florida, for instance, voters across party lines indicated support for the measure by a 22-point margin.

After four years of Trump sabotaging the Affordable Care Act (ACA) at every opportunity, Biden’s decision to extend the ACA enrollment period in order to get more people covered is welcome. Polling by Data for Progress conducted early in the coronavirus pandemic found wide support for expanding the ACA enrollment period to get more people covered. Pushed by lawmakers concerned that the pandemic would lead to loss of coverage for many Americans, the survey found that a massive 66 percent of voters favored the measure compared to just 19 percent opposed. Indeed, even a plurality of Republican voters indicated support for the proposed measure.

In the end, policy-makers who sounded the alarm about the impact the pandemic could have for healthcare coverage were sadly proven right, which makes the fight for comprehensive healthcare reform all the more urgent. However, the Biden Administration has yet to embark on its push to overhaul the American healthcare system, with legislative battles over stimulus and infrastructure proposals dominating the first months of the Biden presidency.

Recent reporting by Axios indicates that Biden may push for a healthcare plan that will likely include proposals to allow Medicare to negotiate pharmaceutical drug prices, the permanent expansion of ACA subsidies, and the creation of a public option, all of which were supported by Biden during the 2020 election. The White House should listen to members of Congress who have called for lowering the Medicare eligibility age to expand healthcare coverage.

Going forward, we encourage the Biden Administration to go big in the realm of healthcare, and remember that many proposals derided as “radical” actually wield wide support. For instance, polling by Data for Progress from August 2020 found that a proposal to allow the government to directly manufacture pharmaceutical drug products is widely popular across party lines, with 70 percent of respondents indicating their support.

As he prepares to push for the American Families Act, Biden should listen to the advice of federal lawmakers advocating for progressive reforms to the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits program to be included in the initiative. SSI benefits are currently insufficient for the disabled and elderly Americans that rely on them, and increasing benefits from $794 to $1,073 a month would satisfy his campaign promise to set these benefits at the federal poverty level. Polling by Data for Progress in April 2021 found wide support for the measure, with voters across party lines indicating support for the legislation by a 60-point margin.

The United States is the wealthiest country in the history of the world. But for far too long, the fruits of this wealth have not been enjoyed by the average worker. The systemic issues associated with the American economy are multi-faceted, but first and foremost among them is the fact that wages have remained effectively stagnant over the past few decades. 

This year has shown how especially egregious it is that care workers, who perform the most vital work done in this country, are either underpaid or in many cases not paid at all. the decline of American labor unions in the 21st century has facilitated a transfer of power away from workers and in favor of corporations. Finally, corporate concentration has reached unsustainable levels, putting consumers and small businesses at a competitive disadvantage.

What we want: 

Put simply, Americans need a government that works in the interest of the average worker, not the interests of powerful corporations. To rectify the crisis of stagnant and declining wages, the government must raise the federal minimum wage. The current rate of $7.25 an hour is not enough to survive on; we need to move to at least $15 an hour in the immediate future. To protect care workers in both the formal and informal sectors, the federal government needs to invest in the “care economy” to secure decent standards of living for those who care for others.

In order to rebuild the American labor movement, we need to revise existing federal labor law, which is insufficient and fails to prevent bosses from intervening in their workers’ union elections. Finally, to approach the crisis of corporate concentration across sectors ranging from Big Tech to agriculture, we need to ramp up enforcement of existing competition law and pass new antitrust laws to correspond with current conditions.

Where Biden has stood: 

During his Senate career Biden established himself as a moderate in the realm of economic economic policy, maintaining strong relations with both organized labor and industries such as the credit card and financial services sector. As a result, Senator Biden supported some measures favored by organized labor, such as the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA), as well as legislation endorsed by some business groups, such as the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act (“Bankruptcy Bill”).

During the 2020 presidential cycle, Biden shifted to the left on matters of economic policy -- a clear sign that the progressive movement has transformed Democratic Party politics. As a presidential candidate, Biden came out in support of implementing a $15 federal minimum wage, putting him to the left of 2016 Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton. During the early beginnings of the coronavirus pandemic, then-candidate Biden emphasized his support for strengthening workplace protections, and famously pledged to be the “most pro-union president” in American history. On competition policy, Biden indicated his potential support for applying antitrust measures against Big Tech monopolies.

How Biden has governed:

Thus far, Biden has taken some concrete steps to chart a more progressive course for American economic policy. Through executive order, Biden revoked Schedule F, an anti-worker measure instituted by Trump to curb federal workers’ collective bargaining rights. In preparation for a push to increase the federal minimum wage to $15 as promised, Biden signed an executive order intended to raise wages for federal workers to $15 an hour.

Unfortunately, the White House’s effort to include the creation of a $15 federal minimum wage as part of the American Rescue Plan failed as a result of congressional opposition. Let’s be clear --  the failure of lawmakers to implement this policy stands in direct contrast to what American voters want. Polling by Data for Progress in February 2021 found that the Biden Administration’s $15 minimum wage initiative is wildly popular, with 86 percent of Democrats, 61 percent of Independents, and almost half of Republicans polled indicating their support. It is crucial that the Biden Administration continues to push for this much-needed policy, which would increase the wages of approximately 17 million Americans per a Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimate.

Investing in the care economy is a key initiative of the American Jobs Plan (AJP), the Biden Administration’s landmark infrastructure program. Though Republicans have mocked the inclusion of proposed support for care workers in the Biden Administration’s plan to revitalize American infrastructure, polling by Data for Progress and Invest in America has found wide support for investing in care infrastructure. 

With regard to labor policy, the Biden Administration has steadfastly supported the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act. Indeed, Biden has included a push to pass the PRO Act as part of his broad infrastructure program, the American Jobs Plan. If implemented, the PRO Act could very well reinvigorate the American labor movement after decades of decline by strengthening collective bargaining rights and implementing safeguards against corporate interference in union elections. Furthermore, it should be noted that Biden issued a historic televised statement in opposition to Amazon’s ultimately successful campaign to crush a union drive at its warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama.

Polling by Data for Progress and Vox found that the provisions of the PRO Act are widely popular with voters: a majority of respondents indicated support for procedural changes to pass it. As such, it is especially crucial that the Biden Administration renews its commitment to passing the legislation.

In the realm of competition policy, the Biden Administration has yet to meaningfully rock the boat. Personnel is policy, and this is especially true in the realm of antitrust enforcement: whoever is chosen to serve in positions such as the office of the Assistant Attorney General for the Antitrust Division stands to significantly impact the future of antitrust policy. While the choice of antitrust crusader Lina Khan to serve on the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) was welcomed by progressives, it is crucial that Biden chooses someone similarly bold to lead the Antitrust Division. Polling by Data for Progress has found wide support for strengthening antitrust enforcement to curb the influence of Big Tech in particular.

Similarly, choices for personnel in positions tasked with labor policy wield major influence in the realm of advancing workers’ rights. In August of 2021, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), a crucial federal agency responsible for the administration of labor law, is set to have two vacancies once William J. Emmanuel’s term expires. This opening presents an opportunity for the Biden Administration to put allies of organized labor in a body tasked with supervising union elections.

It’s no secret that physical infrastructure in the United States is in dire straits. Years of neglect from policymakers has resulted in the wealthiest country on Earth being plagued by decaying roads, dilapidated bridges, and crumbling buildings -- not to mention the obvious issues of equity present in U.S. infrastructure, which has both been influenced by and upheld social inequalities. The climate crisis and its looming consequences for physical infrastructure make the cause of rebuilding America all the more important.

What we want:

To sufficiently respond to the present infrastructure crisis, it is crucial for the United States to embark upon a historic investment in sustainable physical infrastructure. This entails building new, environmentally-friendly infrastructure in addition to investing in hazard mitigation efforts to safeguard already-existing infrastructure at particular risk of being harmed by climate change.

Per a 2019 report, more than 47,000 “structurally deficient” bridges currently exist in the United States, an untenable situation that warrants immediate intervention. In order to secure a just transition, the federal government should take the initiative to invest in rail transportation, which lags far behind many other developed countries. Furthermore, the United States must work to dismantle or reinvigorate existing infrastructure that presents an environmental risk, such as dangerous lead pipes.

One ambitious proposal for a federal sustainable infrastructure program is laid out in THRIVE Agenda, a series of progressive initiatives aiming at securing a just recovery from the coronavirus-induced economic crisis. The proposed federal program would create millions of jobs upgrading America’s water, energy, and transportation infrastructure. Proposed initiatives include a plan to retrofit existing buildings en masse in the interest of costs and pollution and removing dangerous lead pipes.

Polling by Data for Progress in 2020 found that the provisions of the THRIVE Agenda are popular among the electorate, with a majority of swing state voters polled indicating their support for each plank. Going forward, the Biden Administration should pursue a bold program to reinvigorate American infrastructure on the scale of the THRIVE Agenda.

Where Biden has stood: 

For his part, Biden has long been intimately interested in infrastructure policy. As Vice President, Biden would regularly appear publicly to promote the Obama Administration’s push for high-speed rail, among other infrastructure initiatives. As such, it is of little surprise that reinvigorating American infrastructure was among the key planks of his 2020 platform, especially given that Trump’s inability to make promised advances in the realm of infrastructure was one of the most visible failures of his administration. 

Then-candidate Biden released a comprehensive plan to “Build Back Better” by “build[ing] a more resilient, sustainable economy” through reinvigorating American infrastructure at the federal level. Biden’s program called for the creation of one million jobs in the American automobile industry, a massive investment in zero-emissions public transit options to serve major cities, and the upgrading of four million buildings for resilience purposes.

How Biden has governed: 

As President, Biden has pushed the historic American Jobs Plan (AJP), which encompasses a wide array of initiatives traditionally included in the realm of infrastructure (roads, buildings, and other physical structures) and other issue areas that are within the purview of infrastructure for the 21st century. In the realm of automobile transportation, Biden has pushed for $174 billion to be invested in the American electric vehicle (EV) market. Furthermore, the Biden Administration seeks an investment of $115 billion to rebuild roads and bridges that have decayed due to lack of maintenance.

The American Jobs Plan further allocates $50 billion in the interest of improving the resilience of already-existing infrastructure -- a much-needed effort, particularly in frontline communities. Furthermore, the American Jobs Plan includes provisions to replace 100 percent of lead pipes in the United States and end the release of dangerous levels of methane from so-called “orphan wells.” Polling by Data for Progress found that 74 percent of voters across party lines support the Biden Administration’s $45 billion initiative to eliminate lead pipes, which have been identified as a serious health hazard by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

All in all, the American Jobs Plan has proven remarkably popular among voters. Polling taken in April 2021 found majority support for provisions of the American Jobs Plan related to physical infrastructure, caretaking, manufacturing, renewable energy, and housing. Indeed, the physical infrastructure and care economy initiatives both garnered the support of around three-quarters of the electorate, with the former receiving 76 percent and the latter receiving 74 percent support, respectively. Overall, a massive 73 percent of voters indicated approval for the plan as a whole.

During the presidency of Donald Trump, progress made by recent presidents (especially Barack Obama) in the realm of protecting LGBTQIA+ rights was significantly rolled back. In some of the most visible attacks against LGBTQIA+ Americans, Trump reversed the Obama Administration’s decision to allow openly trans people to serve in the military and receive gender-affirming healthcare, worked to roll back healthcare protections for trans people, and instituted a series of policies aimed at allowing discrimination on the basis of sexuality and gender identity under the guise of “religious liberty.” These were just a few of the many harmful attacks he carried out against  LGBTQIA+ Americans.

What we want: 

To reverse the damage done to the cause of LGBTQIA+ rights between 2017 to 2021, it is imperative for the Biden administration to reverse every Trump-era executive order and cement protections for LGBTQIA+ Americans through the passage of the Equality Act. The Equality Act, a landmark piece of legislation, would greatly expand protections against discrimination on the basis of gender identity and sexual orientation. In addition, it is imperative that the Biden Administration works with Congress to pass the Every Child Deserves a Family Act, a piece of proposed legislation that would specifically end discrimination against LGBTQIA+ people in the adoption process, is also imperative.

Given the exorbitant cost of gender-affirmation surgery, it is crucial to make this life-saving practice free at point of service. Furthermore, as the HIV epidemic continues to disproportionately impact LGBTQIA+ individuals, making PrEP treatment free at point of service would be a major victory for the gay community. Additionally, the federal government must increase funding for mental healthcare and suicidal prevention efforts to combat the present crisis among LGBTQIA+ people, and federal government must include a third-gender category on government documents in order to include non-binary individuals.

Where Biden has stood:

During the 2012 presidential election, then-Vice President Biden famously endorsed marriage equality, playing a crucial role in the decision of then-President Obama and other holdouts within the Democratic Party to support same-sex marriage. Earlier in his career. Biden voted in favor of the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which prohibited the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages.

As a 2020 presidential candidate, Biden advanced a progressive LGBTQIA+ agenda. In the interest of protecting LGBTQIA+ Americans from discrimination, Biden pledged to sign the aforementioned Equality Act in the first 100 days of his presidency. Additionally, Biden promised to reverse Trump’s hateful ban on trans people in the military and pledged to enforce Title VII of the Civil Rights Act to stop discrimination against LGBTQIA+ people.

How Biden has governed:

True to his campaign pledge, Biden reversed Trump’s discriminatory restrictions on the ability of trans people to serve in the U.S. military. On his first day in office, Biden signed Executive Order 13988 (“Preventing and Combating Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity or Sexual Orientation”). This measure reversed the Trump Administration’s rollback of an Obama-era initiative to enforce Title VIII to protect LGBTQIA+ rights.

The White House continues to affirm Biden’s intention to sign the Equality Act into law if it passed the Senate (it has already been passed by the House of Representatives.) Polling by Data for Progress conducted in February 2021 found that the Equality Act has wide support among voters, with around two-thirds of respondents indicating their support for the measure.

In the realm of federal personnel, Biden made history by appointing Pete Buttigieg to serve as Secretary of Transportation, the first openly LGBTQIA+ individual to hold Cabinet office. Additionally, the appointment of Dr. Rachel Levine to serve as Assistant Secretary for Health within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) marks the first time an openly trans person has held an office requiring Senate confirmation.

American federal institutions face a crisis of legitimacy decades, or even centuries, in the making. Gerrymandering and the inherently undemocratic nature of the Senate continue to inhibit progress at the federal level, and the Republican Party remains undeterred in its effort to dismantle voting rights. During his presidency, Donald Trump stacked the federal judiciary with right-wing extremists beholden to corporate interests, and secured a 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court. Additionally, Trump was able to stack the federal government with unqualified right-wing cronies who continue to wreak havoc even after he has left office.

What we want:

Reinvigorating federal institutions will require a multifaceted, ambitious effort from the White House and Congressional Democrats. If passed, H.R.1 (the For the People Act) would stand to meaningfully reverse many aspects of the Republican assault on American democracy. The broad legislative program includes provisions to safeguard voting rights, including but not limited to a proposal for national automatic voter registration. H.R.1 also includes provisions to significantly curb the influence of big money in politics and to end partisan gerrymandering through the establishment of independent redistricting commissions. 

The Supreme Court has long served as a legitimizing force for reactionary politics in the United States, and the appointment of conservative ideologue Amy Coney Barrett underscores the need for serious reform of the body. In order to safeguard civil liberties currently under threat from the current Supreme Court (SCOTUS) majority, we need to expand the number of SCOTUS seats to restore balance to the court.

The case of Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, who worked to sabotage the administration of the 2020 presidential election to benefit Trump, is proof of the damage largely unknown appointees have the potential to wield. DeJoy’s continued presence at the helm of the USPS is unacceptable, but he is only one of the multitude of loyal Trump appointees who remain in office. These unqualified ideologues must be removed from their positions in favor of qualified civil servants committed to sound governance. 

Where Biden has stood:

To his credit, Biden has been consistently vocal about the need for reforming democratic institutions to rid the electoral process of the influence of big money. Per a 1974 profile, Biden stated he “believe[s] that public financing of federal election campaigns is the only thing that will insure good candidates and save the two-party system. It is the most degrading thing in the world to go out with your hat in your hand and beg for money, but that’s what you have to do if you haven’t got your own resources.” On the subject of voting rights, Biden has long pushed back against right-wing voter suppression attempts, correctly identifying them as attempts to further the cause of white supremacy.

However, Biden has long displayed something of an “institutionalist” streak on matters such as the Senate filibuster or the Supreme Court. As recently as February 2020, Biden indicated in plain terms his opposition to ending the Senate filibuster, and said that he is “not prepared to go on and try to pack the court, because we’ll live to rue the day,” during the Democratic presidential primary. 

How Biden has governed:

In office, Biden issued an executive order aiming to promote voting rights through a directive to have federal agencies to assist state voter registration efforts per the provisions of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. The executive order additionally directs the General Services Administration (GSA) to modernize digital voter registration efforts at the federal level, and directs the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) to make these forms accessible and inclusive.

While this executive order is admirable in intent, the possibility of meaningful change in the realm of voting rights rests upon action at the judicial or legislative level. The fact that Biden has only signed eleven bills into law at this point in his tenure, half of the fourteen Barack Obama signed at this point in 2009, underscores the need for serious institutional reforms in Congress. 

The possibility of the For the People Act passing rests upon the willingness of the White House and Senate Democratic leadership to weaken filibuster rules. In recent public statements, Biden has made welcome moves in the realm of filibuster reform, proving that pressure from progressive groups has the potential to shift the stances of the White House. While there are no shortages of reasons to abolish the filibuster, a relic of white supremacy that continues to uphold structural inequalities, it is especially important to get rid of it in order to pass H.R. 1. After all, the For the People Act may be the only way for Democrats to keep from being locked out of power by Republican voter suppression efforts. 

Polling by Data for Progress in collaboration with Vote Save America found that the For the People Act wields wide support across party lines. Conducted in February 2021, this survey found that a massive 68 percent of voters across party lines support this transformative legislation to reinvigorate American democracy, compared to just 16 percent who oppose. Indeed, even a sizable majority (57 percent) of Republican respondents indicated their support for the For the People Act, compared to just 25 percent who opposed it.

Every provision of the For the People Act that Data for Progress polled yielded positive approval ratings across the board. 85 percent of voters across party lines indicated their support for its campaign finance provisions, and 74 percent indicated support for the nonpartisan redistricting measure.

On April 9, President Biden issued an order creating the “Presidential Commission on the Supreme Court of the United States.” This body has the job of  analyzing the “principal arguments in the contemporary public debate for and against Supreme Court reform,” including discussions around proposals to change justices’ length of tenure or to expand the size of the body. The bipartisan commission is set to research and deliberate for 180 days before issuing a final report. 

While this commission is a step in the right direction, the urgency of the present situation necessitates a more forceful response from Biden. A 6-3 right-wing majority on the Supreme Court presents a crisis for civil liberties, labor unions, climate, and the continued existence of democracy in the United States. For the sake of the country and the world, Biden and Democratic leadership must embrace proposals to expand the Supreme Court in order to restore balance to the body.

Despite court expansion proposals being maligned as politically toxic, the fact of the matter is that there is a solid base of support for such measures. Polling conducted in April 2020 by Data for Progress and Demand Justice found that a plurality of voters across party lines support increasing the size of the Supreme Court from nine to thirteen members. 

This result is impressive given that court expansion proposals have been consistently derided in the mainstream press and given a cold shoulder by many Democratic leaders. In recognition of this, Representative Mondaire Jones and Demand Justice Executive Director Brian Fallon pointed out that there is “plenty of opportunity to continue growing support for Court reform by educating Americans about the issue and dispelling common myths.” Furthermore, the right-wing majority Supreme Court isn’t the only judicial body that stands to thwart the progressive agenda. Under Trump, both district and circuit courts were filled by conservative ideologues, and Biden needs to push hard to expand these bodies to restore ideological balance.

Louis DeJoy’s tenure as Postmaster General has been singularly defined by his role aiding Trump’s ultimately futile effort to steal the 2020 election through sabotaging mail-in voting. To prevent DeJoy from aiding a similar attempt at subverting democracy in the future, it is imperative for Biden to remove him from his position. Biden should listen to the fifty Democratic lawmakers who have called to replace the current Postal Service Board of Governors, all of whom were appointed by Trump. In doing so, Biden would be able to help safeguard democracy and garner the support of voters in the process: polling by Data for Progress taken in 2020 found that 69 percent of voters across party lines were alarmed by DeJoy’s appointment at Postmaster General owing to his deep ties with Trump. 

The unfortunate fact of the matter is that the case of DeJoy is just one example of Trump appointees continuing to exert influence in the federal government since he left office. Within the Department of Education, for example, holdovers from Betsy DeVos’ tenure at the helm of the department threaten to derail Biden’s agenda. To turn the page on the previous four years, the White House needs to take a stronger approach to replacing unqualified Trump appointees in favor of qualified civil servants.

No policy area better encapsulates the cruelty of the former Trump Administration than the federal government's approach to immigration policy. During the Trump presidency, Trump and his cronies deliberately traumatized thousands of children with their heinous family separation program.Trump misused his public health authority in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic to expel migrants, and went after popular deportation protection measures like the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) programs. By reducing the number of eligible refugees to a historically low 15,000 entrants a year, the Trump Administration turned its back on thousands of human beings in desperate need of assistance. The American people voted for President Biden partly as a deep rejection of Trump’s racist and cruel immigration actions -- as such, the Biden administration should lean in and enact bold and humane immigration policies supported by a majority of the American people. 

What we want:

Migration is a human right, and the United States needs leadership committed to protecting immigrant communities. Border crossings should be decriminalized and treated as a civil offense, and a moratorium on deportations must be enacted on humanitarian grounds. Efforts by local governments to enact the status of “sanctuary city” must be respected by the federal government, and the cruel and lawless activity of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents must be punished to the fullest extent of the law. 

It is urgent that the federal government safeguards deportation protections given to “DREAMers” and TPS holders and expands these protections to include more undocumented immigrants. The United States must pass a legal pathway to citizenship for all immigrants, including immigrant youth, TPS holders, essential workers, and farmworkers. Legislation already passed by the House of Representatives to protect undocumented people should be added to the upcoming infrastructure package.

Furthermore, the federal government must expand America’s refugee resettlement program to beyond the ambitious number pushed by President Barack Obama in 2016. The federal government should not rest until every last undocumented family separated by Trump’s draconian “zero tolerance” policy is reunited.

Where Biden has stood:

Throughout his career, Biden has taken positions on immigration in line with Democratic Party orthodoxy. Biden voted in favor of the Immigration Act of 1990, a piece of legislation pushed by Senator Ted Kennedy, which increased the number of immigrants able to come to the United States every year to 700,000. In 1996, he voted in favor of an amendment to extend opportunities for state assistance to disabled immigrant children.

In line with other Democratic leaders at the time, Biden supported the Immigration Control and Financial Responsibility Act (ICFRA) of 1996 that passed 97-3, which led to massive increase in border patrol. Biden also supported the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996, which allowed for the deportation of undocumented immigrants who committed a felony. During the 2000s, Biden took a moderate line on immigration policy, voting in favor of legislation to increase fencing along the Southern border while also voting in favor of an unsuccessful initiative to expand healthcare and education services for undocumented migrants.

The tireless work of immigrant organizers helped push the Democratic Party leftwards on immigration during the Trump era, and Biden’s 2020 presidential platform reflected this shift. Biden pledged to end the Trump Administration’s cruel “Remain in Mexico” policy, reinstate protections for undocumented migrants who benefited from the Deferred Action for Children of Arrivals (DACA), and expand annual refugee admissions to a historically high 125,000. During the 2020 campaign, Biden also promised to reverse the Muslim ban and create a pathway to citizenship. Polling by Data for Progress found that an overwhelming majority of individuals who voted for Democratic Party candidates in the 2020 election cycle considered the prospect of humane immigration reform an important factor in their votes.

How Biden has governed: 

True to his word on the campaign trail, Biden has overturned Trump’s discriminatory Muslim ban, signed an executive order to end construction of Trump’s signature initiative to build a border wall on the U.S.-Mexico border, and pushed to protect DACA recipients. 

The latter can be considered as a stopgap measure, as the Administration has introduced for legislation to provide a pathway to citizenship for millions of undocumented immigrants. Polling by Data for Progress conducted in March 2021 has found that a plurality of voters support ambitious legislation to provide “Dreamers” with a pathway to citizenship, even if it is passed solely through support from congressional Democrats. Therefore, President Biden must include a pathway to citizenship in his infrastructure package and push Congress to pass it through reconciliation.

Additionally, polling conducted during the same period found further results that should incentivize Democratic leadership to push forward comprehensive immigration reform. A sizable majority (70 percent) of voters across party lines support legislation to provide DACA recipients with a pathway to citizenship, with even a majority (55 percent) of Republicans indicating their support for such legislation.

Nevertheless, the Biden Administration’s immigration policies have proven to be one of the greatest failures of Biden’s presidency thus far. One of these major disappointments was a blow through the judiciary: Judge Drew B. Tipton of the District Court for the Southern District of Texas, a Trump appointee, blocked the Biden Administration’s 100-day deportation moratorium initiative. The Administration has yet to challenge this inhumane decision, which also underscores the need to expand district and circuit courts stacked with right-wing ideologues appointed by Trump.

The Biden Administration has also chosen to continue expelling asylum seekers, both families and individuals, at the border under the Title 42 policy. During the pandemic, Trump unconscionably used Title 42, which provides power to suspend “entries and imports from designated places to prevent spread of communicable diseases,”  as a means to deny migrants their legal right to seek asylum in the United States. Through the invocation of Title 42 alone, hundreds of thousands have been expelled at our southern border. The Biden Administration must reverse course and end this cruel policy immediately so migrants can once again seek asylum at our borders. 

Yet perhaps the most disappointing series of decisions by the Biden Administration thus far has been on the issue of refugee resettlement. Despite previously pledging to welcome 125,000 refugees to the United States, the Biden Administration announced it would maintain Trump’s limited refugee quota. Though progressive organizing has since led the White House to backtrack slightly, it’s crucial for progressives to keep the pressure up. Reversing the damage done by Trump to the U.S. immigration system must be a top priority for the Biden Administration, and reversing Trump’s cruel cap on refugee resettlement is a key part of doing so.  

Mass incarceration and over-policing have devastated Black and brown communities in the United States. As of 2020, the American criminal justice system imprisons almost 2,300,000 people, with over half a million of these individuals held in pre-trial detention. Police officers in the United States kill civilians at a far higher rate than other developed countries, with people of color disproportionately falling victim to lethal police violence. 

What we want: 

In a country with a criminal justice system riddled with as many issues as the United States has, it is difficult to imagine how to make America’s policing and carceral institutions less punitive and violent. Nevertheless, there are concrete steps the federal government can and must take to begin the process of transforming the criminal justice system. To reduce the number of people imprisoned in the United States, we must end punitive policies like mandatory minimum sentencing and juvenile life sentences without parole in favor of true rehabilitative measures. Furthermore, the federal government must decriminalize drug possession and sex work.

Above all else, the United States must stop treating poverty as a crime, and should work to improve the conditions of former inmates, who are subjected to widespread formal and informal discrimination. To transform policing in the United States, immediate measures the federal government must take include ending the militarization of police forces and abolishing qualified immunity for police officers.

Where Biden has stood: 

During his career in the Senate, Biden often took conservative positions on matters of criminal justice. In 1994, Biden championed the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act (“Crime Bill”) an extensive legislative program passed into law by President Bill Clinton. The Crime Bill bears partial responsibility for the current crisis of mass incarceration, with one report by the Brennan Center arguing that although the legislation effectively  incentivized states to adopt draconian anti-crime measures, it contributed to the 43 percent rise of adult correctional facilities between the years 1990 to 2005.

The tireless work of criminal justice reform advocates helped reshape the Democratic Party’s approach to incarceration policy during the 2010s, and this was reflected in Biden’s 2020 platform. “The Biden Plan for Strengthening America’s Commitment to Justice” included support for reducing the number of individuals incarcerated in the United States, the end of prison profiteering, and recognized that “the true cost of incarceration” is felt “on families whose loved ones are incarcerated.” Biden pledged to end the disparity in sentencing between crack and powder cocaine, and additionally advocated for decriminalizing marijuana, though he reiterated his opposition to legalization. Furthermore, in contrast to his earlier support for capital punishment, Biden announced his opposition to the death penalty during the 2020 campaign.

Biden has endorsed criminal justice reform measures, such as requiring body cameras on police officers and instituting a national use of force standard, and would push to allocate an additional $300 million in community policing funds. With regard to the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program, Biden would endorse conditioning federal aid on the basis of whether the racial makeup of COPS officers mirrored that of the community they serve in. As a presidential candidate, Biden pledged to establish a national commission on policing. 

How Biden has governed: 

In the first days of his presidency, Biden issued an order to begin the process of phasing out the use of private federal prisons by directing the Department of Justice to not renew contracts with private prison corporations. Under the leadership of Attorney General Merrick Garland, the Biden Administration would rescind a memo issued during the Trump presidency that shielded police departments from federal investigations through the curtailing of consent decrees. 

Additionally, Biden has called on Congress to pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, which contains provisions to mandate body cameras, prohibit the use of chokeholds by police officers, and restrict qualified immunity for local officers. Polling by Data for Progress in 2021 has found wide support for the legislation, with 74 percent of respondents across party lines indicating they favor the bill, compared to just 21 percent who said otherwise.

While these are welcome moves, there are numerous areas the Biden Administration can and should improve upon in the realm of criminal justice going forward. In a reversal of his campaign promise, the Biden Administration announced it would not establish a national commission on policing. To fulfill a campaign pledge, the White House must go forward with creating this body, which should be staffed with civil rights advocates. 

The Biden Administration should endorse measures to legalize marijuana at the federal level. Black and Latina/o Americans continue to be disproportionately arrested on marijuana-related crimes, making the legalization of cannabis a key criminal justice issue. The prospect of legalizing recreational marijuana at the federal level is widely popular, with polling by Data for Progress conducted in November 2020 finding that the proposal is supported by 73 percent of Democrats and 64 percent of Independent voters. 

By refusing to support the legalization of marijuana, Biden isn’t just positioning himself to the right of the vast majority of Democrats -- with 59 percent of respondents cross party lines indicating support for the policy, Biden is governing to the right of the country by refusing to back marijuana legalization.

As policy-makers consider criminal justice reform measures, it should be remembered that efforts to reduce the United States’ prison population are received well among the electorate. A collaborative polling effort conducted using Data for Progress infrastructure during the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic found majority support among voters for multiple decarceral efforts. These include the proposition of reducing overcrowding in American prisons, which garnered the support of 66 percent of respondents, and for releasing individuals charged with an offense that poses no major physical safety risk to the wider community, which garnered 52 percent support.As President of the United States, Biden has a unique outlet to influence political culture. It is important that he does not lean into rhetoric that prioritizes property over human life in response to killings committed by police officers.

What we want: 

We need a President committed to reversing the damage done by Donald Trump in the area of reproductive justice and securing a future in which reproductive health services are available. This means reversing the anti-choice “Mexico City policy” reinstated by Trump, which serves as a global gag rule against reproductive healthcare providers. Additionally, this means reversing other restrictions imposed upon federal agencies in the interest of curbing constitutionally protected abortion rights, such as Trump’s decision to halt the National Institutes for Health (NIH) from conducting fetal tissue research. 

Furthermore, U.S. support for the United Nations Population Fund (UNPFA), which was ended by Trump, must be restored. To ensure that reproductive services are freely available to all who need them, we need to repeal draconian anti-abortion laws implemented at the federal level, such as the Hyde and Helms amendments. Nominees for judicial positions must be thoroughly vetted to ensure that courts are composed of individuals who understand that abortion is a constitutional right. Finally, contraceptive services must be made free-at-point-of-service to ensure universal availability. 

Where Biden has stood: 

During his long career in public office, Biden has shifted considerably to the left on the topic of abortion rights. For instance, during his first term in the Senate, Biden was reportedly opposed to Roe v. Wade. In 2003, he lent his support to the so-called “Partial Birth Abortion Ban of 2003,” an anti-choice measure that was signed into law by President George W. Bush.

Today Biden stands in full support of the ruling, and has indicated he may be open to a legislative effort to codify Roe protections into statute. During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden abandoned his previously articulated support for the anti-abortion Hyde Amendment, and now backs its repeal. Biden’s shift on the issue can be credited to the tireless work of reproductive rights organizers, and his election presents a huge opportunity for the pro-choice movement to expand protections for abortion rights.

How Biden has governed: 

Thus far, the Biden Administration has taken steps to reverse the damage done by Trump to the cause of reproductive healthcare rights. On January 28th, President Biden issued an order reversing Trump’s imposition of a global gag order on abortion services. Additionally, Biden moved to restore American support for the UNFPA, a welcome step towards reinvigorating a crucial global body. In April, Biden announced the reversal of the outrageous restrictions placed upon NIH fetal tissue research, which hindered medical progress. 

Under Biden, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) revised telemedicine rules to allow for the prescribing of abortion pills through telehealth services. The FDA additionally authorized telemedicine services to provide mifestrone, used for medical abortion procedures, to patients through mail delivery. These regulatory changes, which will be a major boon to the cause of expanding access to abortion services, are set to last for the duration of the current public health emergency. 

In addition to permanently extending the FDA’s decision on telemedicine rules, the Administration should listen to policy suggestions from abortion rights groups like the Center for Reproductive Rights (CPR) which advocates for Biden to push for congressional repeal of both the Hyde and Helms amendments. CPR also advocates for both Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) to extend coverage of postpartum care.

During his presidency, Donald Trump’s disastrous “America First'' approach to global affairs damaged international partnerships and resulted in lost ground on important priorities facing the global community. Destructive decisions such as the United States’ exit from the historic Iran Deal, fueled international distrust towards Washington. 

It is crucial to recognize that Trump’s failed leadership led the United States to be ostracized by much of the global community, threatening future international initiatives to solve crises such as the climate emergency and nuclear proliferation. 

What we want: 

We need leadership willing to engage in good-faith diplomacy in order to build the relationships needed to solve pressing global challenges and avoid compounding abuses abroad. With this in mind, it is also important for progressives to not fall for the notion that a virtuous “liberal world order” existed prior to Trump taking office. In addition to rebuilding America’s system of alliances, it is crucial that the United States rethinks who it chooses to forge partnerships with abroad. 

Above all else, it is crucial that American leadership rejects the traditional framing of international relations as a zero-sum game rooted in transactional relationships. Instead of engaging in antiquated great power politics that harm everyone involved, the United States needs to cultivate international relationships across the board, including with traditional U.S. adversaries.

Where Biden has stood: 

Throughout his career, Biden has generally approached foreign policy in a manner consistent with the liberal mainstream. As such, it is unsurprising that his attitudes towards alliance-building have generally fit with those of past Democratic presidents.

During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden generally stuck to this positioning, advocating in favor of “returning the United States to its traditional role as the leader of a world order based on promotion of democracy, multilateralism, alliance-building and diplomatic engagement.”

While campaigning against Trump, Biden correctly noted that Trump has damaged U.S. relationships with traditional allies to the detriment of global cooperation. However, then-candidate Biden remained committed to the language of great power politics, advocating in favor of increasing U.S. influence in Africa in an effort to curb the rising influence of China on the continent. 

How Biden has governed: 

Thus far, the Biden Administration has worked to mend relations with traditional U.S. allies, a necessary step in the interest of global cooperation. Nevertheless, there are numerous avenues the Biden Administration could pursue to further amend relations with traditional U.S. allies. The Trump Administration’s exit from the Iran Deal dealt a major blow to the American system of alliances abroad, making it particularly crucial that Biden pushes to reenter the agreement as soon as possible. 

Polling by Data for Progress suggests that voters’ attitudes towards building constructive relationships with traditional adversaries in the common interest has softened. Conducted in December 2020 through a collaborative effort with the Asia Society Institute, a plurality of voters across party lines indicated their support for the United States partnering with China on matters related to clean energy and industrial goods and services.

Climate change is the single greatest threat humanity faces, and preventing climate catastrophe is going to require international cooperation on an unprecedented scale. One of the greatest tragedies of Donald Trump’s disastrous tenure was that four years that could’ve been spent fighting the climate crisis were instead used to exacerbate the emergency. The United States must pursue a vigilant program of environmental protection at home and work with the rest of the global community to find meaningful solutions to the crisis. 

What we want: 

Given the scope of the climate emergency, nothing short of a historically ambitious approach that involves international cooperation will suffice. To avoid total climate disaster, we need an all-hands-on-deck approach. This means implementing a Green New Deal at home, massively building upon the framework of the Paris Climate Agreement, and cooperating with traditional adversaries such as Russia and China in the international interest. Furthermore, for the United States to embark on a meaningful climate agenda, it must grapple with the fact that the Pentagon is among the world’s worst polluters.

The THRIVE Agenda provides a roadmap for how the federal government should go about pursuing bold action on climate at home. In response to the toll the climate crisis has taken on natural landscapes, the THRIVE Agenda advocates for a federal program to restore wetlands and forests. Furthermore, the THRIVE Agenda includes a series of initiatives to end air and water pollution, both of which disproportionately impact low-income communities of color. 

Polling conducted by Data for Progress in 2020 found that the provisions of the THRIVE Agenda are popular among the electorate, with a majority of swing state voters polled indicating their support for each plank in question. As such, it is both necessary and politically wise for the Biden Administration to pursue a comprehensive climate program on the scale of the THRIVE Agenda. 

Responding to the climate crisis at home necessitates that the federal government embarks on an ambitious plan for sustainable agriculture. The United States must pursue a strong regenerative farming agenda to improve the health of the nation’s soil bank. By doing so, it would make soil carbon sequestration a more viable means to reduce global carbon emissions.

The fact of the matter is that even a best-case scenario for climate change will surely result in disaster displacement. As such, a progressive refugee resettlement policy, ideally in cooperation with foreign governments, must be a key component of any climate justice program.

Where Biden has stood: 

Biden has been credited for being one of the first major politicians in the United States to recognize that climate change poses a threat to our way of life. Indeed, Biden introduced the Global Climate Protection Act of 1986, one of the earliest major pieces of climate legislation introduced at the federal level. During his tenure in the Senate, Biden generally took progressive stances on climate matters, opposing the proposed opening of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge for oil extraction and stressing the importance of investing in renewable energy during his 2008 presidential bid. 

With this in mind, it should be noted that Biden took a less ambitious approach to climate policy than many of his competitors during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary. Throughout the campaign, Biden affirmed his opposition to ending hydraulic fracturing, an environmentally disastrous practice. Through the tireless work of progressives in the Democratic Party, Biden would shift to the left on climate policy during the election, and incorporated many of the provisions associated with the Green New Deal in his own platform. 

How Biden has governed: 

Thus far, Biden has governed to the left of his predecessors on climate policy, a positive development that can be largely credited to the impact of the party’s progressive wing. In office, Biden has led the United States to rejoin the Paris Climate Accord and cancelled the environmentally disastrous Keystone XL pipeline. Polling conducted by Data for Progress and Vox in January 2021 found majority support among Democrats (69 percent) and Independents (57 percent) for the prospect of Biden using executive action to rejoin the Paris Climate Accord. 

Personnel is policy, and Biden’s choices for climate-related positions have been among the most favorable to the progressive wing. To lead the Department of the Interior, which presides over America’s natural lands, Biden chose climate champion Deb Haaland following a lobbying campaign by the progressive wing. The first Indigenous person to serve in a Cabinet position, Haaland has already created a departmental climate task force and revoked an array of Trump-era initiatives that protected polluters. Additionally, Biden has created the offices of the National Climate Advisor and the Special Presidential Envoy for Climate to more efficiently coordinate a response to the climate crisis. In a welcome move, Trump appointees within the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) have been removed from their positions by the agency’s new leadership.

To bolster international cooperation on climate, Biden has invited both Chinese and Russian leadership to collaborate on approaching the climate crisis. Polling by Data for Progress has found that voters understand the importance of international cooperation in the interest of preventing climate catastrophe. Conducted in December 2020 through a collaborative effort with the Asia Society Institute, Data for Progress’s polling found that 58 percent of voters across party lines support Biden working with China in the interest of solving climate change.

In the domestic sphere, Biden’s expansive infrastructure program includes numerous provisions aiming to combat the climate crisis. Through the American Jobs Plan, the Biden Administration aims to lay the groundwork for a transition to 100 percent clean energy through a Clean Energy Standard (CES) by no later than 2035. This expansive legislation includes initiatives to invest in emerging technologies needed to alleviate the climate crisis as well as a plethora of measures to massively curb pollution. Polling by Data for Progress released in February 2021 found that Biden’s push for a Clean Energy Standard is popular among voters, with 62 percent of respondents across party lines indicating their support and just 30 percent in opposition.

Nevertheless, given the scale of the challenge ahead, it is imperative that progressives continue to push the Administration to back ambitious climate policies. For example, it  is urgent for the Biden Administration to shut down the Dakota Access Pipeline, which has proven disastrous for both fighting climate change and protecting the sovereignty of indigenous peoples. 

Furthermore, given that the climate refugee crisis is certain to accelerate from here, it is imperative that the Biden Administration expands the United States’ resettlement program. Climate has been one of the areas in which lobbying by the progressive wing has proven most effective at shaping Biden Administration policy, and it is crucial this work continues on.

America’s military interventions in the 21st century have devastated entire nations and negatively impacted the lives of millions. While it has become fashionable across partisan and ideological lines to bemoan the “forever war,” the fact of the matter is that the Washington foreign policy consensus continues to view America’s entanglements in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere as necessary for maintaining global supremacy.

What we want: 

We need leadership committed to ending, not just exporting, the disastrous War on Terror. U.S. leadership must resist calls for further engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan and reject efforts to ramp up America’s military presence in East Asia and Africa. Given the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons, multilateral disarmament efforts must be a top pursuit of American leadership. In recognition of the fact that “hot conflict” between nuclear powers would pose an existential threat to humanity, the United States must make avoiding direct conflict with adversaries such as China and Russia a top strategic priority. 

As a general matter, policy-makers must remember that militarism comes at the expense of human needs and real security. In recognition of this, we need leadership committed to cutting the bloated Pentagon budget. To curb the ability of future Presidents to unilaterally declare war, we need to reassert Congress’ constitutionally-defined role in approving military ventures. 

Where Biden has stood: 

During his Senate career, Biden took a comparatively hawkish line on matters of defense policy by Democratic Party standards. Though he voted against the 1991 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) that led to the Gulf War, he voted in favor of the 2002 AUMF that led to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. As Vice President, Biden would continue to position himself in alignment with liberal foreign policy orthodoxy on matters of military policy. However, he notably opposed proposals pushed by some policy-makers to launch a direct military intervention in Libya in 2011. 

During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden pledged to “bring American combat troops in Afghanistan home during my first term.” Furthermore, Biden pledged to “use military power responsibly and as a last resort,” stating that under his presidency the United States “will not go back to forever wars in the Middle East.” A testament to the growing power of the progressive movement in the realm of foreign policy was seen in Biden’s campaign pledge to end American support for the Saudi-led War in Yemen. 

How Biden has governed: 

Thus far, Biden’s tenure in office has not resulted in a meaningful deviation from recent Democratic predecessors in the realm of military policy. Progressives were disheartened by the choice of retired General Lloyd Austin to lead the Department of Defense, owing to the fact his nomination required a congressional waiver of the National Security Act of 1947. The Trump Administration set a dangerous precedent for the future of civilian control of the military by appointing retired General James Mattis to the position in 2017, which required a waiver of the seven-year waiting period after leaving the military to hold government office. As such, it is unfortunate that the Biden Administration reinforced this precedent with Austin’s appointment. 

We are encouraged by the Biden Administration’s public line on Saudi Arabia, a notorious human rights abuser whose offenses have been overlooked by Washington for far too long. After years of lobbying by progressives to abandon U.S. support for the disastrous Saudi War in Yemen, President Biden has publicly endorsed an end to American involvement in the intervention.

With this in mind, the Administration must match its stated commitment to ending U.S. support for one of the worst ongoing humanitarian disasters with concrete action. Biden should listen to the 70 congressional Democrats who have advocated for Biden to cease support for the Saudi regime’s violent blockade in Yemen. Furthermore, given that the Administration has only announced an end to “offensive” support in the conflict, it must be clarified what, exactly, would entail “defensive support.”

Given the length of U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan, it is imperative that Biden does not succumb to pressure from hawks seeking de facto permanent placement of military personnel in the country. The Biden Administration’s initial announcement that the Trump Administration-imposed deadline to withdraw troops out of Afghanistan by May 1, 2021 would be “hard to meet” gave cause for concern. However, the subsequent announcement that all U.S. troops would be removed from the country by September 11, 2021 was a step in the right direction on the part of the Administration. 

As with the case of Yemen, it is imperative that the Administration follows its promise to end U.S. military intervention in Afghanistan with real action. In practice, this would mean not leaving a counterterrorism contingent in the country to quietly do the bidding of the Pentagon, and it also means not outsourcing the conflict to private contractors.

Polling by Data for Progress in April 2021 confirms the opposition of the American public to continued U.S. military presence in Afghanistan. A wide 71 percent of voters across party lines indicated support for Biden’s decision to remove American troops from the country by September 11, 2021, compared to just 21 percent who stated their opposition. An overwhelming majority of Democrats (81 percent), Independents (76 percent), and Republicans (56 percent) polled agreed Biden’s move is the right one.

Given that it was conducted without congressional approval, the Biden Administration’s decision in February 2021 to launch an airstrike on an Syrian facility linked to an Iran-allied militia also bears concerning implications. The Biden Administration should work to reverse the troubling precedent set by past presidents regarding the role of the executive branch in starting military engagements without approval from Congress, not reinforce it. 

As such, the Biden Administration should work with leaders in Congress in the interest of repealing the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF). Supported at the time by Biden and the rest of the Senate, the 2001 AUMF has played a major role in this harmful trend, and repealing it would be a good first step towards reversing this precedent. 

It is disappointing that the Biden Administration has pushed to increase the already-bloated defense budget to an obscene $753 billion, which constitutes a 1.7% increase from the previous year. The White House’s discretionary spending request for the Fiscal Year (FY) 2022 would allocate $715 billion to the Department of Defense alone, which is especially egregious given the department’s documented history of wasteful spending. 

Rather than throw even more money at the war machine, the White House should adjust its discretionary spending request for FY 2022 to seek a responsible reduction in the defense budget. Last year, some congressional progressives pushed for a 10 percent decrease in the defense budget, a completely reasonable initiative that should provide a road map for the White House going forward. 

Not only would reducing America’s massive war budget be morally sound, it would be politically popular as well. Polling by Data for Progress in 2020 found wide bipartisan support for the initiative to reduce defense spending by 10 percent. Per the survey, voters across party lines favored the proposal by a 29-point margin, with even Republicans polled indicating their support by a 13-point margin.

Additionally, the poll asked respondents whether they would favor reducing defense spending in order to reallocate funds to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and other domestic services. This proposal proved even more popular across party lines, with voters surveyed indicating their support by a 32-point margin. As it turns out, Cori Bush’s call to “defund the Pentagon” to fund social services isn’t so radical after all.

The coronavirus pandemic has proven to be the greatest international crisis of the 21st century. Far from a “great equalizer” as some originally anticipated, the effects of the pandemic have been felt disproportionately across the globe. The onset of the global vaccination process has only exacerbated this, with wealthy countries receiving the bulk of precious vaccine supplies to the detriment of the developing world. Epidemiologists have sounded the alarm that this uneven approach poses a threat to the possibility of global herd immunity, making the prospect of extended immiseration all the more likely.

What we want: 

The United States must immediately withdraw its opposition at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to a proposed waiver on coronavirus vaccine intellectual property rights. Leaving these intellectual property rights in place will prove disastrous for developing countries, who lag greatly behind wealthy countries in Europe, North America, and East Asia in terms of vaccine supplies.

Not only is waiving intellectual property rights on coronavirus vaccine patents in the interest of vaccinating the rest of the world a morally sound decision, it’s also a widely popular one as well. Polling by Data for Progress and Progressive International found that 60 percent of American voters across party lines support the proposed patent waiver. 

Where Biden has stood: 

Given the novelty of the crisis, it is impossible to evaluate Biden’s history on the issue. As Vice President, Biden would acknowledge the importance of international cooperation on public health efforts during the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic.

Following Donald Trump’s May 2020 announcement of intention for the United States to leave the World Health Organization (WHO), then-candidate Biden pledged that he would rejoin the WHO in office. 

How Biden has governed: 

True to his campaign promise on the matter, Biden rolled back the Trump Administration’s disastrous plan to leave the WHO, affirming the United States’ presence on the international body. While this is certainly a welcome development, the Biden Administration has yet to withdraw the U.S.’ objection to the proposed waiver of coronavirus vaccine intellectual property (IP) rights.

It is imperative for the welfare of millions that the American government signs onto a proposal pushed by the leadership of developing nations to waive these patents. Though the Administration’s announcement that it would give direct support to countries in dire need of medical supplies is a step in the right direction, failing to support a patent waiver threatens to entrench global vaccine apartheid.

During the first one hundred days of the Biden Administration, he has made tangible progress in the effort to secure a just recovery. The American Rescue Plan stands to provide much-needed relief to working families through direct stimulus payments, the historic child tax credit initiative, and extended unemployment insurance. In the realm of public health, the U.S. vaccination process has been remarkably successful, and the prospect of a relative ‘return to normalcy’ in coming months appear much greater than they were at the beginning of the year. The American Jobs Plan infrastructure initiative contains a number of provisions that progressives should celebrate, especially in care infrastructure and investing in clean energy.

After four years of a President famous for his exclusionary policies, it is relieving that his successor has taken executive action to advance LGBTQIA+ rights and protect reproductive healthcare. The establishment of a national commission on proposed Supreme Court reform is an encouraging sign that Democratic Party leadership understands the threat posed by right-wing judicial activism. If passed and signed into law, legislation on police reform and protecting undocumented immigrants backed by the White House stands to make meaningful progress in both areas.

In the realm of foreign policy, it is a welcome sign that the White House has pushed to mend relationships with traditional allies that were damaged by Trump. Thus far, President Biden has taken a stronger approach to climate action than any of his predecessors. The announcement of a set date for troop withdrawal in Afghanistan and an end to support for the Saudi-led War in Yemen gives hope to the possibility of a break with foreign policy orthodoxy. Given that the body must be reinvigorated to respond to future public health threats, the White House’s decision to remain in the World Health Organization is welcome.

Biden can and should provide American workers with much-needed further relief through the cancellation of student loan debt, which can be done with a stroke of a pen. The Administration must use its mandate to go bold in the realm of healthcare to secure coverage for all Americans. It’s crucial that the White House does not abandon its promise to push for a federal $15 minimum wage, which despite early legislative setbacks is still attainable. While the American Jobs Plan initiative as presently constructed is exciting, the Biden Administration should look to the THRIVE Act as an example of an even bolder climate-friendly infrastructure program to emulate.

To advance LGBTQIA+ rights, the Biden Administration must continue to push congressional leadership to swiftly pass the Equality Act. While executive action to protect abortion rights is a necessary stopgap measure, safeguarding reproductive healthcare can only be meaningfully accomplished through legislation, and the White House must push for repeal of the Hyde and Helms amendments. Protecting American institutions from a right-wing assault on democracy necessitates that Biden plays hardball on the For the People Act (H.R.1) and judicial expansion. On immigration, the Biden Administration needs to break from Trump’s cruel policies through the suspension of Title 42 and the expansion of the refugee resettlement program. The White House needs to push much harder on criminal justice reform, and Biden needs to drop his opposition to recreational marijuana. 

The Biden Administration needs to push to rejoin the Iran Deal to fulfill a key campaign commitment on foreign policy. Biden must work to amend ties with traditional U.S. adversarsaries like China and Russia, whose cooperation will be crucial in the realm of climate. The White House must reverse course on its proposal to increase the defense budget and needs to follow through on its pledge to leave Afghanistan and end support for the War in Yemen with concrete action. Finally, the Administration must retract U.S. opposition to a proposed waiver on coronavirus vaccine IP restrictions to boost public health efforts in developing countries.

Biden may not yet be governing as the modern-day Franklin Delano Roosevelt, but he’s certainly not governing as the 2021 Bill Clinton or Barack Obama, either. From a historically ambitious stimulus package to the most progressive approach on climate of any President in history, it is clear that the ascendant Left has made a meaningful impact on the Biden Administration’s agenda. Going forward, progressives should continue to work constructively with the White House, which means finding common ground on shared goals and pushing the Biden Administration to take more progressive stances on the most important issues of the day.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to Aidan Smith for being the lead researcher on this report.

This report was made possible through the input and contributions of Elizabeth Beavers, Lew Blank, Bruna Bouhid, Austin Frerick, Prerna Jagadeesh, Marcela Mulholland, Devi Ruia, Billie Kanfer, McKenzie Wilson, and the DFP fellowship team.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Securing a Just Recovery

• Providing Relief for Working Families

• Health Justice

• Building An Economy That Works For Everyone

• Rebuilding American Infrastructure

Pursuing Social Justice

• Protecting LGBTQIA+ Rights

• Reinvigorating American Institutions

• Immigration Justice

• Criminal Justice Reform

• Protecting Reproductive Rights
  

Forging Global Cooperation

• Rethinking Alliances

• Preventing Climate Catastrophe

• Reassessing America’s Military Commitments

• Global Health Security

General Assessment of President Biden’s First 100 Days